United Nations Human Rights Council Research Articles

Undersea cables in Africa: The new frontiers of digital colonialism

The Internet has become the backbone of the social fabric. The United Nations Human Rights Council declared access to the Internet a fundamental human right over a decade ago. Yet, Africa remains the region with the widest Digital Divide where most of the population is either sparsely connected or has no access to the Internet. This has in turn created a race amongst Western big tech corporations scrambling to “bridge the Digital Divide”. Although the Internet is often portrayed as something that resides in the “cloud”, it heavily depends on physical infrastructure, including undersea cables. In this paper, we examine how current undersea cable projects and Internet infrastructure, owned, controlled, and managed by private Western big tech corporation, often using the “bridging the Digital Divide” rhetoric, not only replicates colonial logic but also follows the same infrastructural path laid during the trans-Atlantic slave trade era. Despite its significant impact on the continent’s digital infrastructure, we find publicly available information is scarce and undersea cable projects are carried out with no oversight and little transparency. We review historical evolution of the Internet, and detail and track the development of undersea cables in Africa, and illustrate its tight connection with colonial legacies. We provide an in-depth analysis of two current major undersea cable undertakings across the continent: Google’s Equiano and Meta’s 2Africa. Using Google and Meta’s undersea cables as case studies, we illustrate how these projects follow colonial logic, create a new cost model that keep African nations under perpetual debt, and serve as infrastructure for mass data harvesting while bringing little benefit to the Global South. We conclude with actionable recommendations for and demands from big tech corporations, regulatory bodies, and governments across the African continent.

The Universal Periodic Review and West Papua: Beyond Invisibility?

Abstract Major human rights violations are experienced by the people of West Papua, the easternmost part of Indonesia, on an almost daily basis. Some commentators even describe the situation as a ‘slow genocide.’ Yet the plight of the people of West Papua has been almost invisible at the international level. Few states have championed the cause of the West Papuans directly with Indonesia, and international human rights monitoring bodies have largely failed to hold Indonesia to account for the atrocities committed in West Papua. This article examines the actions of the United Nations Human Rights Council on West Papua, focusing on the extent to which the West Papua situation has been addressed during the four cycles of Indonesia’s universal periodic review. Across the four cycles of the universal periodic review, only a small number of states have made a small number of recommendations to Indonesia on the West Papua situation. Encouragingly, the most recent review of Indonesia in 2022 appears to reflect growing internationalisation of the West Papua issue. However, the wider context of claims for self-determination and independence in West Papua, and the gravity of the human rights violations, appears to shackle the upr mechanism such that it fails to fully engage with the human rights challenges in West Papua. For the people of West Papua, this failure is perilous.

Why Autocracies Fear LGBTQ+ Rights

Abstract: During the past decades, the rights of sexual minorities have been subject to both expansion and resistance at domestic and international levels. This essay investigates the resistance to sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) rights by focusing on the position of autocratic regimes in international organizations. It examines the history and evolution of discussions regarding SOGI within the United Nations (UN) and presents an analysis of the positions taken by countries in all SOGI resolutions adopted by the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). Democracies and autocracies are clearly divided on the topic of LGBTQ+ rights, with the latter vehemently opposing proposals to expand sexual minorities' rights. This autocratic resistance is rooted in fears of empowered minorities challenging the status quo and the perceived threat of SOGI rights as a gateway to broader liberal values. By leveraging cultural anxieties and joining forces with other nondemocratic regimes, autocracies exploit traditional values to resist the expansion of international liberal norms. The United Nations must adopt policy recommendations aimed at countering opposition to SOGI rights by emphasizing the universality of human rights, combating cultural relativism, and reframing the national sovereignty argument to garner broader support for SOGI rights.

Interests convergence in global human rights politics

Abstract What explains the convergence and divergence of states’ interests related to global human rights? This study examines the dyadic similarity of the language used in the multilateral dialogue focusing on the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). The joint activities of NGOs influence states, and human rights norms are transmitted through IGOs. Using text analysis methods, the similarity between state recommendations during the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is systematically quantified. Analyses suggest that a pair of states are more likely to use similar language in UPR recommendations as the number of joint activities of NGOs, shared memberships in IGOs, and shared experience in the UNHRC increases. The effects are robust even after controlling for different types of political relationships between states.

A UNHRC Resolution of Questionable Legality on Sri Lanka and its Importance as a Catalyst for Future UN Reform

From 2012-2019, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) adopted a series of resolutions on Sri Lanka calling for accountability for war crimes and other crimes purportedly committed during the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This paper challenges the traditional narrative regarding the resolutions – ie that it was a well-intentioned effort by the sponsoring nations, the United States (US) and its allies, to foster peace and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. Instead, this paper argues that in pursuing the resolutions, the UNHRC has violated the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations (UN Charter) as well as the UNHRC’s founding documents. The author contends that, through these resolutions, the US and its allies have developed a series of innovative tactics to enable them to intervene in the internal affairs of weak nations by using the UNHRC as a conduit. It is in the interest of the friends of the United Nations (UN) and, in general, all persons who value the rule of law in international affairs to know about what has happened so that they can advocate for the relevant reforms in order to prevent the UN from losing its credibility any further.

New National and International Processes of Human Dimensions of the Environmental Rights

Due to activities such as illegal deforestation, production of chemicals and plastics, exploitation of fossil fuels, and other large-scale extractive activities, businesses operating in the global economy routinely compromise human rights to have a healthy, clean, and sustainable environment. This human right was recognized by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2021 and it includes fundamental rights related to clean air, safe climate, access to safe water and adequate sanitation, healthy and sustainable food production, informal environments for living and working, studying and playing, and biodiversity and a healthy ecosystem. By jeopardizing this human right related to nature, life, health, livelihood, and sustainable development, business activists threaten the life prospects of billions of people. The most vulnerable beneficiaries affected by commercial activities such as children, women, indigenous peoples, local communities, farmers, people with disabilities, and especially those whose identity exists in multiple vulnerable groups usually face the most difficult barriers, including financial, language, information barriers, social labeling associated with human rights violations, lack of access to legal representation, and corruption of law enforcement officials, to adopt effective solutions. When victims in countries with limited law enforcement and economic capacity face corruption and other weaknesses in the rule of law, and when justice must be served through transnational legal actions that are beyond the capacity of most human rights victims, solutions effectively are particularly elusive.

Entendendo o apoio dos países muçulmanos às ações da China em Xinjiang: uma análise qualitativa e comparativa

Abstract This study examines why 23 Muslim-majority countries supported China at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UN/HRC) in 2019, despite allegations of human rights abuses against the Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Using a fuzzy-set qualitative-comparative analysis (fsQCA), we compared the factors that led Muslim-majority and non-Muslim countries to support China. Our analysis found that Political Regime Affinity (PRA) was a necessary but not a sufficient condition for Muslim-majority countries to support China, while China’s Foreign Aid (ODA) was a necessary but not sufficient condition for non-Muslim countries. These findings suggest that ideological factors, related to the autocratic political regime (PRA), played a significant role in Muslim-majority countries’ decision to support China in the UN/HRC in 2019. However, it is important to note that other factors may have also been involved. These findings have important implications for understanding the complexities of international relations and the factors that shape states behaviour.

From human rights to “righteous humans”: Brazilian foreign policy in the Bolsonaro era

This article questions the widely accepted belief that the institutionalization of human rights norms automatically results in their advancement and safeguarding. Instead, it proposes an alternative view, suggesting that the international human rights framework is intricately entangled with politicization. Focusing on the case of Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency in Brazil, we argue that human rights bodies may serve antihuman-rights policies and propaganda. The article is divided into three sections, analyzing Bolsonaro’s and Foreign Minister Ernesto Araújo’s rhetoric on human rights, its direct echo in Brazil’s votes in the United Nations Human Rights Council, and the resistance to Bolsonaro’s policies by various actors in the international arena of human rights. We draw on existing scholarship, extensive corpus of speeches, reports, and media coverage to examine the Bolsonaro phenomenon and the limits and fragility of the international human rights regime and diplomacy in responding to it.

Failure to Protect

Implementation mechanisms within International Law and their failure to act upon situations they were created for are much debated topics in the academic community. There are multiple examples of International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law failing, across the world, in its objective of (a) creating an international obligation to prevent its violations and (b) implementing its principles via compliance mechanisms that do not exist. What is extremely worrying about this is that, although certain western nations support creating these norms, they do not have the political will to uphold them. Even though International Law has multiple implementation mechanisms, they have failed to enforce the de jure principles they have established. Nations across the world are well-aware of the lack of realistic implementation mechanisms within the International Law system but have kept this as a subject of only debates in the United Nations Human Rights Council and international conferences held under the ambit of the International Committee of the Red Cross. The failure of International Law in protecting Human Rights is due to the latent nuances of its colonial nature, which are stitched into the fabric of Public International Law. Countries that have created these norms, have created them with the aim that these norms should fail to apply to them. The paper argues that Public International Law has an intrinsic colonial nature, created for the twin purpose of loot and then acting as a justification for the same.  The paper further argues that International Human and Humanitarian Rights regimes form a smokescreen for International Economic Law and allows it to operate in its shadows without much notice. To reinforce this argument, the paper uses Marxist theory of ideology critique, which states that law works as a disguise for the real processes at work, within the International legal system. The real forces at work remain unknown, while contemporary debate focuses on Public International Law and its failings (Danilenko 1999). It is essential to understand the fundamental issue this structure boils down to, i.e., the Great Powers can direct any action they desire with no fear of consequences, while other countries have no recourse due to the difference in economic and military might. This intrinsic colonial nature of International Law exists in an apparatus that tries to maintain the status quo with the Great Powers at the top.

Legal and Policy Gaps Affecting Digital Rights in Malawi

Digital rights are human rights in the digital era, specifically on the internet. Digital rights are becoming critical as people increasingly  spend a lot of time online, accessing different services and information that are key to human survival and well-being. Resolution 362 (on the Right to Freedom of Information and Expression on the Internet in Africa) of The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights,  and resolution on the Promotion, Protection, and Enjoyment of Human Rights on the Internet of the United Nations Human Rights  Council affirmed that same rights that people enjoy offline must also be protected online. This paper assesses legal and policy gaps  affecting digital rights in Malawi, thereby making a critical contribution to scholarship in this area. In addition to the literature and policy  review of digital rights in Malawi, the study used a questionnaire as a data collection tool, targeting purposefully selected key informants  from Malawi’s telecommunication sector, media associations, NGOs, and telecommunication regulators to assess challenges affecting  digital rights in Malawi. The study found that achieving digital rights in the country remains a distant dream for most people due to the  expensive cost of the internet, insufficient telecommunication and electricity infrastructure, restrictive legal framework, and low digital  literacy. These factors make access to the ICTs and the internet inaccessible for most people, denying them access to and participation in  political, social, and economic activities enabled by digital platforms. 

Geopolitical fragmentation and trade

What are the economic consequences of geopolitical fragmentation on trade? We answer this question by using a canonical general equilibrium trade model to quantify the trade and welfare effects stemming from world trade fragmentation along geopolitical borders. To calibrate the size of the increase in trade costs, we use a new aggregate measure of trade restrictions that spans over the last 70 years and includes up to 157 countries and estimate the impact on trade of very broad trade policy restrictions in a theory-consistent structural gravity framework. We estimate that a fragmentation into three different trade blocs (Western, Eastern, Neutral)—defined according to how countries voted on the suspension of the rights of membership of the Russian Federation in the United Nations Human Rights Council because of the invasion of Ukraine— would have important effects on trade between them, reducing trade flows by 22%–57%, in the most extreme scenarios. Welfare losses would be the largest in the Eastern bloc, where the median country would experience a welfare loss of up to 3.4%.

An inconvenient dissident: Human rights activism in the case of Julian Assange

The article is based on investigations by two branches of the United Nations Human Rights Council into the treatment of the whistleblower journalist, Julian Assange – the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture. The UN investigations analysed for this ‘Acting Up’ article show that Julian Assange is an inconvenient dissident, who has been subjected to persecution by liberal democracies rather than authoritarian regimes. Previous research into whistleblowing has highlighted the courage and risks taken by individual whistleblowers in speaking truth to power however, this case highlights a different facet of speaking truth to power which shows how lawyers, activists and other professionals often refuse to do this because of the professional costs of speaking up for an apparently toxic individual. This article argues that the UN investigations have built a ‘counter-archive’ of suppressed facts about the case, which challenges the ‘collective amnesia’ of the public discourse. This case demonstrates that speaking truth to power requires not only individual courage but the active support of inconvenient dissidents, who lack other civil society support.

GD05 ‘Ghosts’: changing perceptions of people with albinism in Tanzania

Abstract Albinism, derived from the Latin word albus meaning white, is a rare genetic condition characterized by an absence of melanin leading to an individual having pale skin, eyes and hair. It is believed that Tanzania has the highest rate of albinism in Africa with the autosomal recessive gene being carried by one in 19 Tanzanians and the condition impacting one in 1400 people (Cruz-Inigo AE, Ladizinski B, Sethi A. Albinism in Africa: stigma, slaughter and awareness campaigns. Dermatol Clin 2011; 29:79–87). We aim to analyse the perception of individuals with albinism in Tanzania and strive to consider the future of those with albinism and reflect on the work being done. A recurring theme throughout the literature is the fact that those living with albinism in Tanzania are often shrouded in mysticism, stigma and violence. Referred to as ‘ghosts’, they are often on the fringes of society, ostracised by their communities and labelled as having supernatural powers. It is this superstition that has led to the brutal attack and murder of members of the disenfranchised albino population in Tanzania with the belief that their body parts, which can be sold for as high as $75 000, bring luck, as well as possessing powers. It is only in recent times that attention has been brought to their plight and work has begun to unravel these deeply entrenched beliefs. The United Nations (UN)-sanctioned International Albinism Awareness Day is on 13 June and aims to shed a light on the work being done to support people living with albinism globally. In 2013, the UN Human Rights Council adopted legislation to prevent violence against people with albinism, as well as a 2015 Mandate of an Independent Expert on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism. A lot of work is being done on the ground by charitable organizations to empower people living with albinism in Tanzania through education and provision of safe shelter and resources. The role of dermatologists in the support of people with albinism in Tanzania cannot be ignored. Owing to decreased melanin levels in those with albinism, there is an increased risk of skin cancer due to a lack of protection against ultraviolent radiation. Dermatologists can play a crucial role, as part of a multidisciplinary team, in providing skin cancer prevention education, as well as providing education to reduce stigma against those living with albinism (McBride SR, Leppard BJ. Attitudes and beliefs of an albino population towards sun avoidance: advice and services provided by an outreach albino clinic in Tanzania. Arch Dermatol 2002; 138:629–32).

Traditional values, family, homeschooling: The role of Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church in transnational moral conservative networks and their efforts at reshaping human rights

Abstract In the last two decades, Russian state actors and the Russian Orthodox Church have come to play an increasingly important role in the undermining of established understandings of international human rights law by reinterpreting its aims and repurposing its institutions, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations Human Rights Council, and the European Court of Human Rights. Russian state and church leaders have appropriated and coopted the language of human rights in order to advance an illiberal and nationalist agenda that undercuts democratic values and targets particular groups and their rights and freedoms—most notably liberal civil society, political opposition, and the LGBTIQ+ community. Written from the angle of a constructivist sociology of human rights, this article brings together three case studies of Russian rights appropriation around the topics of traditional values, family, and homeschooling and draws six lessons on the (mis)appropriation of human rights for illiberal purposes. The analysis of Russia’s rights appropriation sheds light on the background and build-up for current events in Russia’s war against Ukraine.

Compliance as an Alternative Instrument for the Protection of Human Rights and the Ineffectiveness of Decree No. 9.571/2018

With the advancement of globalisation, economic and technological processes, and the disruption of obsolete social standards, it is no longer acceptable for corporations to seek their development and profits without observing the pertinent aspects of the human condition, which have their guiding principles established by the United Nations Human Rights Council. Thus, in order to encourage the adoption of good practices in Human Rights by national and multinational companies, the Decree No. 9.571/2018 established the guidelines for implementing Human Rights Compliance programmes in organisations. This study analyses Decree No. 9.571/2018 and demonstrates the importance of implementing Human Rights Compliance programmes, which, in addition to providing protection and encouragement to Human Rights in the corporate-business environment, may positively influence the results and reputation of businesses in the market. While some companies are adopting Human Rights policies, from a Corporate Social Responsibility perspective, the decree under analysis is optional and does not provide an incentive for companies to implement Human Rights Compliance programmes, resulting in a guideline without practical effectiveness.

The limits of shame: UN shaming, NGO repression, and women's protests

Within the human rights literature, a growing number of studies have focused on the factors that explain engagement in protests. Most prior studies of this type give little or no consideration to the effect of these factors on gender. Recently, though, some scholars have begun focusing on the gender dimension, exploring why women engage in protests specifically. In this study, we examine a previously unexplored factor, that of naming and shaming by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), and its effect on the likelihood of women's protest activities. We argue that UNHRC shaming increases the likelihood of women engaging in protests. Moreover, given its preeminent position within the UN, UNHRC shaming should be much more effective in mobilizing women in comparison with shaming by non-governmental organizations (NGOs). However, in countries where governments actively repress NGOs, the effect of UNHRC shaming on women's protests should be smaller.

Neurotechnology and human rights: developments overseas and the challenge for Australia

ABSTRACT Recent neurotechnological advancements have attracted the attention of human rights scholars, national legislatures and organisations such as the United Nations Human Rights Council. Debate is taking place about whether domestic and international frameworks require modification to address the emerging issues. However, in Australia there is little work focussing on such challenges. This paper outlines what neurotechnology is and draws attention to international developments before arguing that Australian scholars and human rights bodies should address neurotechnology. It concludes by identifying ways that this might be done.

Doubly marginalized Dalit Women: Journey towards the path of equality

The history of sexual violence against Dalit women is a history of atrocity and savagery and what makes the situation even worse is the fact that the legacy of this barbaric male hegemony commodifying Dalit women and considering them to be easily available continue till date. The objective of this paper is to trace the journey of Dalit women from being sufferers of sexual abuse, violence, discrimination and deprivation to organizing and empowering themselves as a collective whole, showcasing solidarity, protesting against inequality and non-inclusivity in society, rightfully claiming their rights, raising assertive confident voices and treading towards the path of equality and inclusivity. This paper undertakes historical research to locate the position of Dalit women since centuries and depends upon findings of Case Studies to prove incidents of violence inflicted upon Dalit women. The paper also adopts Action Research to examine the actions taken by Dalit women in bringing about a much-needed change in their way of existence. References to a few Case Studies on the atrocities and brutalities unleashed on Dalit women help us further to understand the alarming nature of the situation. Dalit feminism has emerged as a separate school of thought striving towards basic dignity, safety, security, economic and social rights of Dalit women as their struggle could never be rightly assessed and addressed by mainstream feminism. Jyotiba Phule, Savitri Bai Phule and Babasaheb Ambedkar are the personalities whose contributions are unmistakable in the progress of Dali women’s living conditions. In the post-Independence era Dalit women felt the urgency to voice their needs and express their demands. They knew that the tradition of oppression meted out to them could be stopped only by their assertive voices of protests and claim for equality. In the 1990s Dalit women assembled and formed various organizations, namely All India Dalit Women’s Forum and National Federation of Dalit Women. Since then, various Dalit women’s organizations fight for equality addressing issues not only pertaining to gender but essentially based on caste discriminations. The struggle of Dalit women for achieving their rights made them participate in the 1993 World Conference against Racism and the 1995 World Conference on Women. 2006 is a landmark year for Dalit women’s movement as the first National Conference on Violence against Dalit Women was organised in New Delhi in March, 2006. In 2018 the All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch presented testimonies of caste and gender based violence inflicted upon Dalit women at the 38th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council and presented a report titled ‘Voices Against Caste Impunity: Narratives of Dalit Women in India’. The assertive voices of Dalit women social activists, women-run digital rural news platform, Dalit literary writers articulating the horrors of discrimination, torture, abuse and violence they have been victims of since centuries have helped Dalit women to get unified with each other, proclaim solidarity and march towards the path of equality. They have come a long way from being docile, timid victims of caste and gender discriminations to becoming protesting selves conscious about their own rights and claiming the same.

Resolution 42/21 (U.N.H.R. Council)

On July 13, 2021, the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC) adopted a resolution designed to facilitate the enjoyment of the human rights and other basic freedoms of Africans and people of African descent in every region of the world, specifically against excessive use of force by law enforcement officers. The Resolution deplored all forms of racial discrimination against Africans and people of African descent, condemned “the continuing racially discriminatory and violent practices” perpetrated against this group by many law enforcement officials, and urged states “to seize every opportunity” to implement an “anti-racism agenda” that prioritizes “racial equality and justice” for the group, including better use of independent national human rights institutions and preferential programs, among other far-reaching, substantive techniques. Although not yet constituted, the Resolution established an independent committee, comprising individuals with law enforcement and human rights expertise, charged with the responsibility for “advanc[ing] racial justice and equality [with]in the context of law enforcement in all parts of the world” through various means that include visits to countries where violations are taking place.

APA Calls on U.N. to Respond Urgently to Charges of Iranian Misuse of Psychiatry

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article InternationalFull AccessAPA Calls on U.N. to Respond Urgently to Charges of Iranian Misuse of PsychiatryMark MoranMark MoranSearch for more papers by this authorPublished Online:28 Nov 2022https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.pn.2022.12.12.45AbstractAPA leaders urged the United Nations (U.N.) to establish an independent mechanism with investigative, reporting, and accountability functions to address reports of abuse of human rights and misuse of psychiatry in Iran.iStock/Andraz NaglicAPA is protesting the abduction of school-aged Iranian protesters and their detention in mental health institutions to reform what Iranian authorities have labeled “antisocial” behavior.In an October 27 letter to Volker Türk, the United Nations (U.N.) High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva, APA President Rebecca Brendel, M.D., J.D., and APA CEO and Medical Director Saul Levin, M.D., M.P.A., said the abduction and detention of children—as alleged by several media reports and human rights organizations—“is a serious human rights violation and abuse and misuse of psychiatry, which can result in long-term mental health consequences.”They added, “APA maintains a long history of firmly opposing the abuse and misuse of psychiatry and psychiatric facilities for the detention of persons solely on the basis of their political dissent, no matter where it occurs, because it violates basic human rights and can cause long-lasting psychiatric harm.”The letter was co-signed by 13 other psychiatric organizations. Brendel and Levin urged Türk to act swiftly. “We join human rights organizations in urging the United Nations Human Rights Council to act with urgency by holding a special session to establish an independent mechanism with investigative, reporting, and accountability functions to address these reports of human rights violations and abuse and misuse of psychiatry in Iran.”They noted in their letter that Iranian Education Minister Yousef Nouri, in a recent interview with the independent reformist newspaper Shargh, confirmed that an unspecified number of students have been taken to “psychological institutions” to “reform and re-educate” them to prevent “antisocial” behavior. Brendel and Levin wrote: “Nouri further stated that the Islamic Republic ‘want[s] to correct’ these protesters and that they ‘will be returned to the school environment once expert friends have done their work’ in such mental health centers.”In a statement shared with the APA Office of International Affairs, the Society of Iranian Psychiatrists of North America (SIPNA) highlighted the following specific concerns:Detaching and disconnecting school-aged children and adolescents from their safety network and support systems employing force against their will or the will of their parents and families is by itself considered an act of violence.The misuse and abuse of correctional mental health facilities as a tool for suppressing the free expression of voices is not only contrary to the principles of medical ethics, but it can also further negatively impact judgments and stigmatize mental illnesses at a societal level.Separating children and youth from their safety network and support systems under the current highly stressful atmosphere and the situation will further negatively impact their mental health and well-being.Authorities have precipitated a sense of fear, mistrust, anger, and insecurity within Iranian society, especially schools, universities, and educational environments, which are designed to be a place for growth, comfort, and safety. SIPNA further stated that these actions directly contravene principles outlined by United Nations Children’s Fund and the Convention of Children’s Rights. “We agree that children and adolescents are the ultimate capital of every nation, and every government must create and guarantee a healthy environment for their growth and flourishing,” the SIPNA statement asserted. “In conclusion, SIPNA firmly condemns the behaviors as stated above and strongly advocates for the return of these individuals as soon as possible to their families to ensure protection from irreparable damage to their mental health and further losses within the Iranian community and the world community at large.”APA’s Office of International Affairs also reported that it has received letters of protest by the Iranian Psychiatric Association and the Iranian Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Association in Iran to the Iranian Minister of Education. In their letter to the U.N., Brendel and Levin included three APA position statements. They address the use of psychiatric institutions for the commitment of political dissenters (originally approved by the board in 1994 and reaffirmed in 2016), abuse and misuse of psychiatry (approved in 2019), and human rights (approved in 2017). “Psychiatry is a healing profession and not a tool to silence political dissent,” they wrote. “‘Psychiatric confinement’ for any purpose other than the evaluation and treatment of mental illness to promote individuals’ mental health violates psychiatric ethics and is associated with long-term negative health consequences. This concern is especially serious for school-aged children, for whom such confinement may be an adverse childhood experience, which may increase a child’s risk for developing mental illness and result in higher rates of maladaptive coping, anxiety, and chronic physical illness. Using psychiatry as a tool to pathologize political dissent and detain young protesters is a serious ethical, medical, and moral abuse of psychiatry.”The co-signers to the letter are Academy of Consultation-Liaison Psychiatry, American Academy of Addiction Psychiatry, American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, American Association for Community Psychiatry, American Association for Emergency Psychiatry, American Association for Geriatric Psychiatry, American Association for Social Psychiatry, American Psychoanalytic Association, American Society for Adolescent Psychiatry, Association of Medicine and Psychiatry, Association of Family Psychiatrists, and the Association of Women Psychiatrists. ■Position statements are posted in the Policy finder on APA’s website. ISSUES NewArchived